Corporatism and National Development in Latin America by Howard J Wiarda

Author:Howard J Wiarda [Wiarda, Howard J]
Language: eng
Format: epub
ISBN: 9780429704116
Goodreads: 51859435
Publisher: Routledge
Published: 2019-04-08T00:00:00+00:00

For comparative purposes, see the series issued by the Bureau of Labor Statistics, Department of Labor, Labor Law and Practice in - - - - -, for which there is a volume on every Latin American country except Cuba and Paraguay; also useful is the series of the General Secretariat of the Organization of American States, A Statement of the Laws of - - - - - in Matters Affecting Business. Poblete (404) discusses the codes and decrees country by country in Chapter 2; also 17.

f. The extent to which the Latin American nations have ratified ILO conventions, particularly Nos. 87 and 98 dealing with freedom of association and the right to organize, provides one measure of this influence. As of 1952, only Cuba, Guatemala, Mexico, and Uruguay had ratified No. 87; No. 98 had been ratified by Brazil, Cuba, the Dominican Republic, Guatemala, and Uruguay.

g. See 345. It is sometimes amusing, now in retrospect, to read Poblete’s comments on his own creation; see 402–406. Louis Wolf Goodman, who had access to Poblete’s memoirs housed at the Institute of Organization and Administration (INSORA) at the University of Chile, concluded the drafters of the Chilean labor legislation held very definite purposes in mind: the elimination of the power of both the working class and employers, leaving national economic power in the hands of a presumed neutral party, the state. Based on Goodman’s personal communication to the author, October 17, 1975.

h. The language we use helps speak to these differences: whereas North Americans speak of “labor relations” or “labor-management relations,” Latin Americans usually think in terms of “derecho del trabajo” or “derecho social” (“labor law”), thus stressing the legal aspects of a relationship which, in their view, is primarily a set of legal rights and obligations.

i. See 403, 495. It should be said that not only do these codes and constitutions establish goals and aspirations for the society to achieve in some distant future, but they are also impressive to outsiders. They are meant, in the Portuguese case, “for the English or French to see,” in Latin America for the United States, the ILO, or the Europeans. They make it appear as though these nations are as “advanced,” “progressive,” or “developed” as their North European or North American counterparts. They impress foreign observers, at least superficially, while at the same time relieving what is often a national inferiority complex by showing that a little Ecuador or Portugal is as advanced as anyone.

j. The material in this section draws heavily from Collier’s analysis; see 85.

k. The best study is 140. Implied in this discussion is the point that the traditional dependence on government can mean advantages as well as disadvantages for labor. The disadvantages include labor’s sacrifice of its independent bargaining power, the perpetuation of its weak and dependent status, the possibility of an unfriendly, anti-labor regime, the obscuring of labor’s economic functions by political ones, and so forth. The advantages include government support in the early establishment and financing of the unions (e.

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